
BULENT KILIC/AFP/Getty Images
October 19, 2016
here's one that's real: Both major party
nominees, as well as the journalists who
cover the election and moderate the
debates, are actively conspiring to avoid
talking about the fact that the United States
is waging war in at least five countries
simultaneously:
Iraq, Syria, Yemen, Libya, and Somalia.
In the first two presidential debates, our
involvement in the Syrian civil war was
briefly discussed, as was ISIS in vague
terms, and the Iran nuclear deal, and
Russia's mischief-making in Eastern
Europe and the Middle East, and Libya,
though mostly in the past tense,
focused on our 2011 intervention to
depose Moammar Gadhafi and the
subsequent attack on American government
facilities in Benghazi a year later.
But our role in "advising" the Iraqi army
"a few miles behind the front lines" as
it works to take back territory from ISIS?
Our "secret war" against Shabab militants
in Somalia? Our support for Saudi Arabia's
bloody assault on Houthi rebels in Yemen?
Our air strikes pounding positions in and
around the city of Sirte on the Libyan coast?
Nada. Zip. Nothing.
And everyone involved has powerful
reasons to encourage this conspiracy
of silence — in tonight's final presidential
debate, and beyond.
Republicans have an incentive to avoid a 
conversation about our multiple wars because 
the GOP finds it more politically advantageous 
to portray Barack Obama as a feckless commander
 in chief who has made the country less safe 
through grandiloquent displays of spinelessness. 
To put our wars on the table for discussion and 
debate would expose the actual truth, which is 
that Obama has very much governed as a hawk 
(albeit one who, unlike Republicans, prefers 
not to brag about it).
Democrats, on the other hand, have several 
reasons of their own to avoid a conversation 
about our multiple wars. First, because they 
quite understandably fear that the American 
people might object if they realized the 
Democratic administration was meddling 
militarily in so many places. Second, because 
the results of and strategic goals at stake in 
these interventions are so consistently muddled. 
Third, because it would reveal that Democrats 
are closely following the foreign policy vision 
of their nemesis George W. Bush.
Members of Congress, meanwhile, prefer 
to avoid making a fuss about our extensive 
military adventures — all of which are apparently 
covered by the comically broad Authorization 
for Use of Military Force Against Terrorists 
passed just after the 9/11 attacks — 
because their silence shields them from 
having to take partial responsibility for the 
consequences of the president's actions. 
Better to shirk Congress' constitutional 
obligations than risk having to take part 
of the blame if something goes wrong.
And finally and most troublingly, the press 
has an incentive to avoid a discussion of our 
actions in places like Somalia and Yemen 
because the details are extraordinarily 
complicated — and journalists have no faith 
in their own ability to explain the necessary 
historical and geopolitical background to each 
conflict in a way that will keep an audience 
engaged, or faith in the American people to 
process and evaluate that information in a 
responsible way.
Are they wrong? This is, after all, an election 
that's rarely risen above the level of 
hyperbolic sloganeering, shrill denunciation, 
and outright sleaze-mongering. 
Donald "Disaster!" Trump certainly deserves 
a lion's share of the blame for this. But 
members of the ratings-hungry and 
click-greedy press are far from innocent. 
It's supposed to be their job to keep the 
election from becoming a circus and to 
ensure that the conversation remains 
focused on reality, even when that reality 
is maddeningly complex.
In failing to do so — in allowing Trump to 
get away with ignorant ranting, and Hillary Clinton 
to avoid having to defend or criticize 
President Obama's profligate deployment of 
military force across wide swaths of the globe — 
the press actively contributes to making our 
politics stupider. Instead of enlightening 
members of the general public, it entertains 
them. And so the wars drag on and multiply, 
fought by an all-volunteer army thousands 
of miles away, barely touching the lives and 
thoughts of the vast majority of voters.
In a political season in which the media 
has come in for unprecedented hostility and 
abuse, this is its greatest, and least appreciated, 
shortcoming: When everybody else decided it 
was a good idea to forestall a public debate 
about enormously important and complicated 
policy questions, the press decided to go along 
and let it happen.




















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